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A SPATIAL ANALYSIS OF MEGALITHIC TOMBS

                                                                                                                                           3.        FUNNEL BEAKER CULTURE ORIGINS

By

Maximilian O. Baldia 1993, 1995, 1999-April 25, 2006©
All rights reserved

 

 

Note (August 28, 2001): Many characters will appear incorrectly, since the system for representing foreign characters has been changed again by the software manufacturer. Only a few, unsystematic and primitive corrections have been made thus far.

Some corrections have been made and some new literature was added after the completion of the original dissertation. Gatersleben has been replaced with the correct term Großgartach where necessary and Footnote 9 has been updated. However, many of the early calibrated radiocarbon dates are in need of revision. For more current information on radiocarbon dates and cultural relationships see Central and North European Neolithic Chronology with summaries of individual cultures. 

 

3.1         Introduction

The origin of the TRB and the reasons for the development of agriculture in the research area are open to debate. Alternative opinions have been summarized by Midgley (1992:7-321) and Tilley (1996:70-73). Here the aim is simply to point out that the TRB interaction sphere[1] seems to have emerged in a broad, culturally diverse region. Its wide southern periphery afforded centuries of contact between Late Mesolithic, Ertebølle-related hunter-fisher-gatherers and Danubian derived agriculturists.

Emanating from Anatolia, the Neolithic cultures and their temporal and spatial relationships, were graphically represented in overlapping spheres by D. L. Clarke (1968, Baldia 1981a:842 Fig. 4), starting about 6000 b.c. For the next 3000 (uncalibrated) years this expansive culture complex evolved into the  Linienbandkeramik culture (LBK) and its younger local variants, spreading the Neolithic way of life by invading the Mesolithic territories of Central Europe and much of the North Euro­pean Plain (e.g. Gramsch 1971, Murray 1970, Tringham 1971). Traditionally many subscribed to the argument that the Danubians simply took over the territory of the indigenous population[2] and, after some obscure period of coexistence, the Mesolithic population simply disap­peared. At least their fait was never fully accounted for.

This Invasion Principle is rooted in the historical assumption noted in Chapter 2, that all innovation occurred in the Mediterranean as expressed in the motto Ex Oriente Lux (cf. Midgley 1992:33). It has been perpetuated by diffusionist ideology and is a latent mindset of even those archaeologists, who have long since challenged most diffusionist assumptions. This neo-diffusionist's paradigm, still finds expression in the term Neolithi­zation and Renfrew’s 1987 attempt to seek the Indo-European homeland in Anatolia. Its mathematical and biological principles are expressed in the studies of Ammerman and Cavalli-Sforza (1971, 1973, 1984) and Dolukhanov (1973). It is suggest that the increased productivity of Anatolian agriculture at 7000 B.C., caused a population explosion, spreading farmers into the less populated regions of Mesolithic Europe, with its low density population of roaming hunter-gatherers, reaching northern Europe by ca. 4000 B.C.

In connection with the Danubians the Invasion Principle is based largely on the distribution of pottery styles, the use of long-houses and, to some extent, economic activity, but not on population genetics. Only a few early studies contradict it. These suggested that the transitional phases, in which the indigenous population (near the upper Danube) gradually embraced a Neolithic economy, are largely buried below meters of riverine deposits(e.g. Taute 1977, Menke 1978). New DNA studies may support such a view, suggesting that only a small portion of Europe’s population can be derived from Anatolia between 8000 and 4000 B.C., the rest having been autochtonous since before the last Ice Age (cf. Powledge and Rose 1996 with references).

Certainly, in Poland it is argued that agriculture was only gradually and perhaps reluctantly adopted by the Late Mesolithic populations (Jankowska and Wiílański 1991, Zvelebil et al 1998), possibly without wholesale population movements. Different groups, located in different ecological niches at various distances from the agriculturists appear to have reacted differently to the Neolithic social, economic and ideological complex near the Baltic (Jankowska 1994a; 1998, Tilley 1996:73, Zvelebil et al 1998). This would account for the uneven Neolithic development.

The Late Mesolithic Ertebølle of southern Scandinavia may have been a partly sedentary society with some relatively large settlements and cemeteries (e.g. Tilley 1996:9-69). As discussed below, there is evidence of grain pollen and grain impressions in the Ertebølle pottery of Schleswig-Holstein. Certainly the Dutch Late Mesolithic Swifterband  culture at P14-Shocklund, Noordostpolder, had grain and domestic cattle before it was replaced by the Early Neolithic TRB (Bakker 1992:92, ten Asher et al. 1991). Also, a tooth from a possibly domesticated ox stems from Late Ertebølle double interment, which included decorated bone dagger for the woman, at Dragsholm, Denmark (e.g. Tilley 1996:41-42, 44, 46, Fig. 1.22). However, the graves late date (3200 b.c./3980 B.C.) falls into a time when the TRB begins to appear in the archaeological record in some places. For Schleswig-Holstein Schwabedissen (1994) argues that the Ellerbeck culture starts about 300 uncelebrated years earlier than its Danish Ertebølle counterpart. He also notes evidence of a gradual incorporation of plant and animal domesticates. It seems, therefore, that the Late Mesolithic population was acquainted with domesticates, before the TRB becomes archaeologically visible.

But why the Late Mesolithic population, well adapted to its forest and wetland environment, probably full of natural resources, should be interested in domesticates derived from the Near East, is still a topic of discussion (e.g. P. O. Nielsen 1993a:84, Tilley 1996:71-73). One explanation, not discussed by Nielsen or Tilley, is Sherratt’s (1981, 1983) secondary products revolution (3500-2500 B.C.), believed to have introduced the plow, horse and wool (cf. Bakker 1992:91-92), possibly improving productivity and thus making agricultural life more attractive in the north. Indeed, at Bronocice horses are only known from the Baden occupation (Br V) dated 2880-2590/2510 B.C., (Kruk et al 1996: 19-26, Tables 2). Yet from the start (Br I = 3800-3710 B.C. / 3100-3000 b.c) the TRB in the Nidzica basin held domesticated cattle and sheep/goat, probably for milk rather than meat (Milisauskas et al. 1991,  Milisauskas and Kruk 1989b).

The increasing evidence of domesticates in the Ertebølle related cultures may call for a more complex model of culture change from the Ertebølle to the early TRB. One useful model for may be the indigenous hunter-fisher-gatherer population of the North American west coast. The huge stretch of coast harbored numerous different groups, participating in an elaborate interaction sphere. Most had a complex social organization developed without cultigens (except a rare and small planting of Tobacco and the occasional reseeding of wild plants). Some even kept slaves. The indigenous people often had an abundance of resources, which led to traditional access rights and clan based ownership. Such rights extended to specific trade routes for the complex exchange system. The Tilingits functioned as middlemen in trading dried fish, fish oil and sea shells for copper, jadeite, furs, quilled goods etc. with the socially less complex inland Athabascans. The Heida made seagoing dugout war and other canoes in great demand by other groups. The Tilingits spun goats wool on simple looms into widely traded ceremonial blankets. Wooden, bone and antler spindle whorls were used. Houses were made from wooden planks. Some groups even engaged in whaling. Even if perishable items are rare and the social organization of the Ertebølle and early TRB can only be guessed at, there is ample evidence in the archaeological record of Northern Europe to warrant the comparison.

 

Figure 3.1. Early TRB sites in relation to Late Mesolithic, Early Neolithic Danubian LBK, and Post-Danubian LBK cultures, i.e. STK, Rössen, Großgartach, Lengyel (after Midgley 1992 Fig. 2, 6, 67).

One may thus conclude that, even if it is difficult to establish the precise changes that occurred during the transition from the Late Mesolithic cultures to the early TRB, and there is not always much agreement as to what continues and what changes among diverse researchers,[3]  it is indisputable that the TRB developed in the contact zone between the long established southern farming area with Danubian traditions and the long-lasting northern Mesolithic realm (Fig. 3.1). In the North European Plain centuries of contact between the Mesolithic hunters and gatherers and farmers, who likewise hunted, fished and gathered, may have resulted in a cultural synthesis that gave rise to the TRB. Indeed, such a dual origin may have found expression in continued sub-cultural differences within the TRB (e.g. Beier 1991a, Häusler 1992, Hoika 1990a). It is, therefore, likely that the TRB was largely, although perhaps not exclusively, an autochthonous development. This can be demonstrated by considering the Danubian derived cultures, i.e. the LBK and its regional successors, i.e. the STK, Lengyel, Rössen, Bischheim, as well as the Michelsberg (MBK) cultures of central Europe and the Ertebølle culture of the north. 

 

 

Figure 3.2. Distribution of LBK (Schwabedissen 1979b).

 

3.2          The Linienbandkeramik

The German Linienbandkeramik, sometimes shortened to Bandkeramik, reflects the early pottery's band-like curvilinear design, and is frequently translated into English as Linear Pottery. This Danubian based culture is found throughout much of Europe (Fig. 3.2).[4] Using characteristic long-houses (e.g. Kuper et al. 1975, 1977), it apparently introduced agriculture and ceramics to the Mesolithic people of Central and parts of Northern Europe.

Looking at the site locations in more detail, the LBK appears to have had a preference for the European loess soils (Sielmann 1971). However, in contrast to Hesse, the extensive loess plains of West­phalia really did not allow any choice in soil type or elevation on which settlements could be located (U. Fischer 1980, Linke 1976). It was discovered that, although loess was an important factor for the loca­tion of settlements, a mildly sloping relief of 4° or less within 500 m of the settlement and a distance of less than 250 m to the nearest freshwater source were also significant. The tendency to pick such locations became more refined through time, presumably because the LBK agriculturists became more efficient in their adaptation to the local environment. Empty areas of 30-40 km between settlements may be due to a preference for level land, the desire for fertile soil, and the need for water, but could also be connected with the greater archaeological Cultural Resource Management (CRM) activity centered in Bochum, Werl and Soest vis-à-vis other regions (Fischer 1980b:372).

Population density was supposedly low (e.g. Milisauskas 1978:96-105), increasing only later, especially with the advent of the TRB. LBK sites occurred in clusters in most regions, but in southeastern Poland the sites were strung out along secondary streams emptying into the Vistula (ibid. Fig. 5.7). This linear distribution translates into one site every 1.25 km on the Dłublana. The choice of site location re­mained similar through time in southeastern Poland, but the number of sites increased. In the research area of 2300 km2 there were 72 LBK sites and 99 TRB sites, i.e. there were 27 more sites for roughly the same years of occupation (Milisauskas 1978:124-125). This change in settlement pattern was mathematically scrutinized by Hodder and Orton (1976:89-97, Orton 1980:192-194), who concluded that, according to quadrant analysis, the successive LBK, Lengyel and TRB occupations constituted an aggregated settlement pattern (e.g. Orton 1980:193-94, Fig. 7.8 - 7.10) that was strongly clustered. Supposedly, initial colonizers founded settlements from which additional villages "budded off" during the LBK and Lengyel periods. The statistical analysis showed that this pattern fit the true contagion model for the LBK and Lengyel. But for the TRB settlement pattern the results were ambiguous. The ­true conta­gion model and the spurious conta­gion model ... fit the settlement pattern fairly well (ibid. p. 194). Thus continuity and change are difficult to quantify. Nonetheless, diachronic continuity in the communication pattern is evident.

In Germany the southern fringes of the later megalithic tomb distribution were first occupied by the LBK.[5] The LBK must have developed an intricate communication system by clearing the dense forests of the Atlantic period and in the process would have established the paths and tracks that necessarily connected the villages. One may assume the apparent ways, along which the later gallery-graves sometimes seem to have been erected, were first established during the LBK, if not by the Mesolithic population, as has been argued for Schleswig-Holstein (Bakker 1976, 1991 referencing Hinz 1950, 1953).

The oldest phase of the LBK of Lower Saxony occurs in Kr. Wolfenbüttel (see also Chapter 6). At Eitzum, (e.g. Schwabedissen 1979b:207) three calibrated dates range from 5400-5250 B.C. Kr. Wolfenbüttel is the area where some 2000 years later ­mega­li­thic tombs and the Hannover/Braunschweig gallery-graves may have coexisted. It should, therefore, not be surprising that many of the major settlements of the later cultures occur in precisely the same locations, while the less important sites are occupied later and often remain socio-economically less significant.

One of the most northerly LBK finds was a single pot from the Weser marsh near Verden on the Aller in Germany (Schwabedissen 1979b:207). This implies that the area must always have been part of a major line of communication, since several later megalithic tombs are also nearby.

Similarly, the oldest dated gallery-grave at Stein, Dutch Limburg (3700BC - 3370 B.C., see Chapter 12), is within a former LBK enclave on the east side of the Maas (Modderman 1964:11 Fig. 12, 1985:90 Fig. 29). Here the LBK lasted for 250 to 400 years (5250/5200-ca. 4900 B.C.; ibid. 1985:31-36.). The LBK, which seems to appear in this area suddenly, never­theless occupied an area that seems to have been settled by another population creating Limburg Ware (Fig. 2.22). The Limburg Group, which may have been familiar with agriculture, coexisted, interacted and outlasted the LBK (ibid. p. 117-118). This may point to a more complicated cultural development than the traditional Danubian Neolithi­zation Model suggests (cf. Gabriel 1977). The region was a major center of flint mining during the Neolithic.

               

3.3          Stichbandkeramik

The Central German Stichbandkeramik (STK, English: Stroked Pottery culture) is a later regional variant of the Danubian LBK. It is related to the Lengyel culture. Preceding the Großgartach and Rössen ­cultures of Central Germany (Fig. 3.3; Behrens 1959a-1962b, 1965b), the STK was also a society relying on domesticated plants and animals.  Schwabedissen (1979b) dates it to 4200-3950 b.c. and Behrens pro­vide calibrated C14 dates ranging from 5400 B.C. to 4850 B.C.[6]

Continuity of a long-standing interregional communication pattern with links to the Ertebølle must have developed during the STK, further foreshadowing the communication lines of the TRB. For instance, the Oder STK was strongly influenced from Bohemia (Kulczycka-Leciejewiczowa 1970:63), indicating a communication network that crossed the mountains north of Bohemia and Moravia and followed the Oder to the Vistula and the Baltic coast. A similar network must have followed the Elbe north from Bohemia into the Elbe-Saale region, the Harz Mountain Piedmont, Braunschweig and the vicinity of both the North Sea and the Baltic at Boberg.

Boberg was the STK's northernmost outpost, located on a the dunes on the east side of the Elbe estuary near Bergdorf, some 20 km southeast of Hamburg. Excavated by Schindler (1953, 1961) in the 1950's, the site contained Ertebølle, STK/Rössen-like and TRB pottery. It was less than a dozen kilometers ­south­west from the "unchambered" long-mounds of the Sachsenwald, highlighting the continued importance of this area in the TRB.

 

 

 

Figure 3.3. Distribution of Stichbandkeramik (after ­Schwa­bedissen 1979b). At Boberg STK and ­Erte­bølle ceramics were found.

Among such continually important regions is the Braunschweig/Wolfenbüttel area, some 170 km south of Boberg. It is the northern most area of a large, relatively contiguous STK distribution, ranging from the east bank of the Middle Elbe across the Saale and the fertile Magdeburg Plain, almost to the Werra (a tributary of the Weser). This large Central German STK distribution, which surrounds the eastern half of the Harz Mountains, again contains the area of the later Hannover/Braunschweig gallery-grave/TRB megalithic tomb ­overlap.

Some 250 km east of Boberg, in the vicinity of the Uecker and Randow valleys, just west of the Oder, were two small STK distributions. This region was later characterized by an eastern concentrations of TRB urdolmen (Schuldt 1972, Map 3 and Table A945-60) and a large number of TRB stone cists (ibid. Map 8). In the same general vicinity is a north/south oriented concentration of TRB trapezoidal mounds with an average 7 m wide proximal end. Forty miles further east, across the Oder and just north of the Warthe in Poland is an even larger STK distribution known from the graves in Karsko, Pyrzyce ­(Kulc­zycka-Leciejewiczowa 1970:62 and Fig. 19). The distribution of this Oder/Warthe (Polish: Odra/Warta) STK group also coincides with a large number of trapezoidal mounds whose proximal end averages 8 m and whose distal end is 3 m or less.

Some 500 km east of Boberg and ca. 200 km east of the just mentioned Oder/Warthe STK group, is the Kujavian STK. It is located on the Vistula bend which must have been a very important region throughout prehistory. The group exhibits a marked north/south distribution and covers much of the same area famous for the trapezoidal Kujavian long-mounds. These substantial mounds may be up to 170 m long, have a proximal end ranging from 8 to 10 m, and a distal end of less  than 3 m.

The most easterly distribution of the STK is located on the west side of the upper Vistula between Sandomierz and Szczecin. This region is about 290 km southeast of the Kujavian STK and 850 km south­east of Boberg. It contains the easternmost TRB long-mounds (Midgley 1985 Fig. 4).

3.4          Lengyel

In Poland, the STK mixes with the Lengyel culture (Kulczycka-Leciejewiczowa 1970:62), which also developed from the LBK. Its type site is located in Hungary, but is also found in Czech and Slovak Republic, Austria,[7] and some parts of Yugoslavia.  The Lengyel has a more southeasterly distribution than the STK.[8]  It is dated from 4000/3900 b.c. to 2800/2700 b.c. (Milisauskas 1978:127), although dates vary according to region in southeastern Poland (Kruk and Milisauskas 1981 Fig. 3). This may be explained by the fact that, “in agreement with the general trends of those times, there were considerable differences between groups” (Kulczycka-Leciejewiczowa 1970:62) and the natural variability in C14 dates. 

 

 

 

Figure 3.4. Distribution of Stichbandkeramik (Milisauskas 1978 Fig. 4.7)

 

 

The Samborzec Group of the upper Vistula, which has strong LBK roots, gradually abandoned the STK ornaments in favor of the shapes and ornamentation of the Lengyel and Tisza types (Kulczycka-­Leciejewiczowa 1970:71). Lengyel settlements of the Upper Oder passed on their cultural heritage to the local groups that emerged here - the Ocice group and ... the Jordanów group.[9] On the middle and upper Oder, the Góra group developed. In Kujavia and PaÓuki the Brzes’c’-Kujawski groups developed from LBK and Lengyel roots. The four dates listed by Midgley (1992:501)[10] as suggesting contact between Brzes’c’ Kujawski group and the TRB sum to 4300-3750 B.C. The TRB ultimately occupied the same economically strategic regions.

3.5         Rössen

In Germany, 500-600 calendar years after the STK and Großgartach a copper-using culture arose, whose type site is Rössen, Kr. Merseburg, in Central Germany (A. Götze 1900). Its trapezoidal houses were derived from LBK long-houses, reaching 50 m in length. Villages were sometimes fortified by a stockade.

 

 

 

Figure 3.5. Distribution of Rössen (after ­Schwa­be­dissen 1979b).

In the German Highlands a part of the Rössen distribution correlates with the later location of the gallery-graves. On the lower Oder an elongated east-west Rössen concentration of finds straddles the river.  The later TRB megalithic tombs appear to have a similar distribution pattern.

In northwest Germany Rössen finds often occur in marshes, meadows and river valleys, such as the Dümmer Lake region (Deichmüller 1965). This may mean that sites are difficult to discover. For this reason Schwabedissen (1979b) believed that the Rössen occupation was more intense than the archaeologi­cal data indicates. Again, the northernmost outpost was Boberg.

Although many archaeologists once believed that the TRB ceramics evolved directly out of Rössen, this culture was temporally too far removed to exert direct influence (Knöll 1959; Müller-Karpe 1968:160-161, 1974:320. Schwabedissen 1979 a, b).[11] Instead, the heavily ornamented Rössen pottery gave way to a much less decorated style. At Hüde on the Dümmer Lake (Fig. 3.4), Schwabedissen noted that the lowest layer contained Ertebølle ceramics with seemingly appropriate C14 dating. The following layer con­tained Rössen-like pottery without surface decoration, which Schwabedissen believed to be similar to the Late Rössen Bischheim ceramics (Schwabedissen 1979b:212). Bischheim, MBK, Ertebølle[12] and TRB A/B pottery are largely undecorated. One can, therefore, stipulate a general evolutionary trend from elaborate surface decoration to minimal surface treatment. A renewed cycle of ­elaborate surface treatment followed in the TRB culture area  from the EN C through MN III. The MN V Store Valby and Late Havelte G pot­tery once more exhibits little if any surface design (Bakker 1979a:134-139, Davidsen 1978), suggesting long term cycles. Therefore, the evolution of TRB pottery seems to be part of a larger interregional dia­chronic development, involving changes in fashion, but not necessarily ethnicity.

3.6          Ertebølle

Kossinna proposed that the TRB evolved from the Ellerbek/Ertebølle culture. This view was largely sup­ported by Jaüdüewski (cf. Midgley 1992:32-34, Fig. 9). Later archaeologists dismissed this idea. The Ertebølle culture was located near the western Baltic, reaching the vicinity of Pyrzyce and Koszalin in Poland (Jankowska and WiílaÕski 1991:54 Fig. 1, Jankowska 1998), and possibly northern Lower Saxony and Netherland in the west (Fig. 3.1; Bakker et al. 1980:275-276). Covering Schleswig-Holstein, all of Denmark and Skåne, the culture is dated ca. 5400-3900 BC (4500-3200 b.c.,  Tilley 1996:9-11, Fig 1.2). On the Swedish west coast the a local variation, the Lilhult phase is roughly datable to 5000-3000 b.c. For Schleswig-Holstein Schwabedissen divided the later ­Ertebølle culture into Rosenhof a (4200-3800 b.c.) and b (3800-3520 b.c.).

According to Schwabedissen the STK influenced the development of the Mesolithic pottery. This, he asserted, is implicit in the coexistence of Ertebølle pottery with pointed bottoms together with differently made STK pottery at Boberg (Schwabedissen 1979b:208, 1994:400 Plate 19). As noted above, Schwabedissen's STK C14 dates range from 4200 to 3950 b.c. This coincides with his Ertebølle a phase (Fig. 2.31). Tauber (1972) listed the oldest likely Danish Ertebølle date from Salpetermosen as 4050 b.c./4900 B.C. and the earliest date at the type site of Ertebølle is 3800 b.c./4650 B.C. This coincides with the Central German  STK calibrated C14 dates (4950 to 4700 B.C.).[13] Thus Schwabedissen's argument that the Ertebølle culture and the STK coexist­ed at roughly the same time and influenced each other is supported by C14 dates from several independent sources.[14]

At D·bki (Site 9) near Koszalin, Central Pomerania the earliest layer contained Ertebølle lamps and STK/Rössen-like pottery, as well as cattle and pig remains (Bakker 1992:117 Note 56, with references). Layer II (ending at 3600/3500 b.c.) and III (ending at 3300 b.c.) contained a somewhat greater amount of these bones, as well as ceramic lamps and other shell tempered Ertebølle pottery. But even in Layer III fishing and hunting were of greater importance than animal husbandry. No TRB pottery was found.   

This contradicts the traditional view that the Ertebølle culture was a typical Mesolithic society exclusively engaged in hunting, fishing and gathering, which was somehow replaced by agriculturists. In 1978 Schwabedissen produced evidence of domesticates in Schleswig-Holstein sites. The most important sites for this evidence are Satrup Moor (Förster Moor) in Anglia and Rosenhof near Dahme on the Baltic coast (Schwabedissen 1979b:208). The evidence includes wheat grain impressions in typical Ertebølle ceramics, further implying a mixed subsistence pattern.

The Ertebølle's first evidence of pottery supposedly occurs abruptly after 3700 b.c. (e.g. Tilley 1996:30, 44). The typically thick-walled pottery sometimes has a fingertip or fingernail impressions on the rim, a funnel beaker-like neck and a pointed bottom (Midgley 1992:14-15, 35-38 Fig. 4, Tilley 1996:31 Fig 1.4).[15] This is somewhat reminiscent of MBK pottery (Fig. 3.5), although it was probably made by an autochthonous population, which used transverse arrow heads. This population passed its traditions on to the TRB, which used used transverse arrowheads and rather similar flint working techniques, while hunting and fishing the same places (P.O. Nielsen 1993a:84, 1994). Ax sacrifices also indicate an unbroken perpetuity from the late Ertebølle to the Bronze Age (Ebbesen 1993:123-124). In Poland flint tools are said to derive from the local Mesolithic (Jankowska 1980:183). For southeast Skåne, the EN TRB's ox­idized pottery shows a relationship with that of the Ertebølle. The early TRB used the Ertebølle's more ad­vanced coiling technique and partly the same temper, while continental influences on the pottery shape and decoration are stipulated (Blomqvist 1989:305-306 Fig. 8.61-8.62, Hulthén 1977:211).

T. Madsen stressed that the cultural transformation from the Ertebølle culture to the TRB was gradual process, occurring around 3200-3100 b.c./ ca. 4000-3900 B.C. in Denmark.  He maintained that this culture change was not the result of the immigration of new people (T. Madsen 1982:302), but rather the natural progression of a society, that was very open to a variety of far flung influences.[16] Thus the transition from the Mesolithic hunting and gathering to the more settled Neolithic agricultural economy, including the use of ceramics, was not at all a Neolithic revolution, but rather gradual process engendered through centuries of interaction - a conclusion also reached by Tilley (1996).

3.7          Michelsberg

Schumacher recognized parallels between the MBK and the Kjøkkenmødinger (Ertebølle) culture as early as 1908 and 1911.[17]  The Michelsberg type site is located by Untergrombach, Kr. Bruchsaal, Baden-Württemberg. It was discovered by Schumacher in 1884. Lüning (1968) divided the MBK into five succes­sive phases. Pape (1979) compiled the existing radiocarbon dates for the MBK, TRB, etc., finding a slight overlap between the MBK and TRB dates. Schwabedissen (1979b:212) dated Bischheim to 3700-3500 b.c. and the MBK from 3500 to 2800 b.c. (Schwabedissen 1979b:204, 220, Fig.1). Ottaway dated the MBK from ca. 3600 to 2900 b.c. with a mean around 3200 b.c. (Ottaway 1986 Fig.5). J. Müller (1987:74) listed the MBK at ca. 3700-3000 b.c., so that a temporal overlap with the TRB existed during the EN.

 

 

Figure 3.6.  Distribution of Michelsberg (Schwabe­dissen 1979b).

 

The relationship between the MBK[18] and the TRB is difficult to ascertain (Fig. 3.5). Scollar (1959, 1961) stressed the MBK's western roots. Schwabedissen, elaborating on Lüning's (1968) views, pointed out that an ill defined pottery, found between Netherland and the Elbe, is neither truly a part of the Late Rössen Bischheim Group nor exactly MBK. Thus he suggests that Bischheim, developed into the MBK only in the south, but took a different path in the north, especially in sites  such as Hüde. Therefore, the development of the German TRB pottery would have been similar to that of the MBK ceramics (Schwabedissen 1979b:216), producing pottery akin to the MBK, but not identical. A similar process may have been at work in Netherland.[19]

Basing his analysis on Deichmüller's excavation of Hüde, Schwabedissen argued that the Düm­merkeramik gradually evolved into the Tiefstichkeramik. Stratigraphically, the latter increases at the ex­pense of the former towards the upper layers of the supposedly continuous occupation in this site. The top layer at Hüde even contained a typical Baalberge funnel beaker.

Schwabedissen saw a similar development in Schleswig-Holstein. At Rosenhof,[20] layer C con­tained a flat pottery bottom with grain impressions (3420±50 b.c./4235±70 B.C.),[21] a MBK-like Ösenbech­er fragment - dated through partially burned wood to 3430±40 b.c./4248±58 B.C. - (ibid. 1979c Fig. 2, 8) a rim sherd with incisions under the rim, and a Baalberge-like amphora (3390±55 b.c./4196±82 B.C.; ibid. 1979c:168, Fig. 3, 1). Zápoteky_' (1991, 1992) not only saw a relationship between the MBK and Baalberge in the Southeast Group, he stipulated a wide ranging generalized early phase, including all relevant groups under the wider TRB.

However, it is often difficult to distinguish MBK and TRB artifacts in the North European Plain the lack of site preservation due to agricultural activity, and a dearth of comparative finds in most areas do not permit the construction of a concise chronological scheme. Wilhelmi (1977:20), after investigating several sites around Coesfels and nearby Osterwick, where he also found MBK artifacts, came to the same conclusion some time ago:

It is not possible to place the "settlement area" in its precise cultural and chronological context. This area is the only bridge between Swifterbant and Hazendonk on the IJssel and the Rhein estuaries on the one side and the Dümmer/Hunte as well as the ­Rosen­hof/Baltic on the other.

 

Nonetheless, Nielsen (1985) deemed Lüning's MBK I to be roughly equivalent to Hüde I and the Ertebølle of Ringkloster II (Fig. 3.6). In eastern Germany and Poland, this would be approximately the same time period during which the early Jordansmühl, Großgartach, Brzes’c’ Kujawski and perhaps TRB A/B existed. MBK II was equated with Boberg 15, Schwabedissen's Rosenhof b, Ringkloster III, Early Baal­berge and TRB A/B in the east. MBK III coexisted with TRB A/B, the latest part of Rosenhof, the earliest Volling and Virum A. Nielsen's (1984) scheme is largely similar to Hoika's (e.g. 1991a). A close relation­ship is also supported by the fact that the oldest TRB pottery at Flintbek, near Kiel, has been described  as MBK by Zich (1992, 1994a).

Flintbek's location to the north of Boberg may imply a line of communication, running from the Baltic coast across the Elbe via Boberg to the bulk of the MBK sites in the south (Fig. 3.5). The location of the TRB tombs and post-TRB sites near Flintbek suggest a long lasting communication pattern.

 

 

 

Figure 3.7.  Evolution of the Early TRB (Blomqvist 1989 after Nielsen 1985).

 

MBK and the TRB sites overlap in the North European Plain, but TRB pottery follows the MBK, at the MBK earth work at Notullin near Coesfeld, Westphalia. Farther east, in the Hildesheimer Börde, the MBK is also followed by the TRB (Heege 1989) and in the German Highlands the Wartberg Group's vil­lages follow the MBK in the same sites (Schwellnus 1979). Thus it seems, that, although there may have been reciprocal interaction, at least in terms of pottery style, the influence may have originally been direct­ed from south to north. Once the TRB pottery developed its own unique characteristics, its influence flowed for some time in the opposite direction, along the long established lines of communication, while reciprocal relationships with areas, such as the Central German Baalberge and Salzmünde Groups, were maintained.

3.8          Conclusion

The LBK was the first pottery using culture in Central Europe. Its later decedents (STK, Rössen, Großgartach, Lengyel) may have provided the impetus for pottery production in the Ertebølle (Fig. 3.6). The TRB received some of its inspiration from the Ertebølle related cultures of the north and from several Danubian derived kindred cultures, including the late Lengyel in the east and the Late Rössen Bischheim in the west. Bischheim provides a common root for the MBK and the early TRB. Thus the earlier cultures that were dispersed along the developing TRB's southern frontier of nearly 2000 km influenced the advent of TRB pottery.

The TRB evolved gradually in this culturally diverse interaction sphere, which was probably occupied by a largely indigenous, more or less Mesolithic population. The region was rich in natural re­sources so that the acquisition of cultigens, some domesticated animals and perhaps the basic concepts of pottery making may originally have been due to the of acquisition of status goods in strategically located areas, such as Boberg and Sarnowo. Undoubtedly, such areas controlled trade with the long established agricultural territories to the south. The ensuing social competition, similar to that which led to a ranked society on the North American Northwest Coast (e.g. Bancroft-Hunt 1992:61 ff.), may have led to increased social complexity and a greater emphasis on agriculture, animal husbandry and the acquisition of copper by the EN C.

 


3.9         Related Links

Central and North European Neolithic Chronology with summaries of individual cultures

Neolithic/Copper Age Link Index: Links to News Bulletins, Articles, Site Reports, Databases, etc. about the Neolithic/Copper Age in Europe.

 

 




 

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[1] The concept of an interaction sphere originated with Caldwell (1964) and Struever (1964) to account for the interregional similarities and differences of the geographically diffuse and wide spread mound building, horticultural American Hopewell groups. It has also been applied to the largely agricultural, road building Pueblo Indians of the Chaco Canyon region in New Mexico (Altschul 1978) and the emergence of Maya civiliza­tion (Fridel 1979).

[2] This perception was based largely on pottery styles, the use of longhouses and, to some extent, economic activity, not on population genetics.

[3] e.g. Burchard et al. 1991, Czerniak et al. 1991, Grygiel and Bogucki 1991, Hoika 1990a, Hogestijn 1990, Hulthén 1994, Hvass and Storgaard (Ed.) 1993, Jankowska 1994, Jankowska and WiílaÕski 1991, JastrzÄbski 1991, Kukawa 1991, MaÓecka-Kukawka 1991, Pavel¹ik 1991, Strömberg 1990:95, Schwabedissen 1994, Tilley 1996, Timofeev 1990, Wawrzykowska 1991, Wyszomirska 1991, Wojciechowski 1991a.

[4] The LBK ranged from the Paris Basin and the adjacent Orleans region of the Loire in France, across Austria, down the Danube Valley into Yugoslavia and over to Rumania. It covers the upper and/or middle reaches of almost allimportant Rivers on both sides of the European north/south watershed. It is significant that the Oder is the only major stream that was populated in its entirety by LBK people.

[5] Trapezoidal long-houses occur at Deiringsen/Ruploh, Kr. Soest, and, more importantly at Arnsbach, Nie­druff and Gudensberg, Kr. Fritzlar-Homberg. The economic importance of  this region, i.e. the Hessengau plain, is further emphasized by production of large quantities of stone artifacts during the later LBK  at Wernswig, Kr. Fritzlar-Homberg. The fertile plains of the eastern Hellweg Basin (German: Hellwegbörden) near Soest, Werl, the area around Geseke, Kr. Lippstadt, the Warburg plain, the Hofgeismar area, the Hessengau Plain and the Kassel Basin were occupied by LBK farmers, well before the occurrence of megalithic tombs in the same areas.

[6] Behrens and Rüster (1981) list calibrated C14 dates of 4950, 4850, and 4700 B.C. (µ4833), cf. Behrens 1965a, 1970, 1984.

[7] For Lower Austria, the evolution of Neolithic cultures and their relationships, including long distance trade, are outlined in Ruttkay 1983 (cf. Höckmann 1984).

[8] The difference between the STK and the Lengyel is explained by Kulczycka-Leciejewiczowa: “(Lengyel pot­tery) was generally made from clay tempered with fine-grained sand. The rather thick walls ..., with a matte, easily rubbed (slightly burnished?) surface, often show signs of ... (poor firing), as variegated spots have been left. In contrast, ... the stroked ware (STK) pots are nearly always thin-walled. They are made of very fatty, carefully mixed clay, and before being ornamented the surface of their walls was care­fully smoothed and usually shiny" (Kulczycka-Leciejewiczowa 1970:62).

[9] Behrens and Rüster (1981) estimate the Jordansmühl and Gatersleben group to date sometime after 4700 B.C., i.e. after the STK. However, the few incongruously Reported C14 dates for Gatersleben (cf. Raetzel-Fabian 1986 and Midgley 1992:225 indicate that the calibrated dates fall very roughly between ca. 4300 – 4000 cal B.C.

[10] OxCal v2.18: Broniewice Bln-1313 : 5060±60BP =  68.2% confidence 3960BC (1.00) 3780BC;  95.4% confidence 3990BC (0.94) 3770BC, 3750BC (0.06) 3700BC. Krusza Zamkowa Bln-1811 : 5330±65BP = 68.2% confidence 4300BC (0.04) 4290BC, 4250BC (0.96) 4040BC;  95.4% confidence 4340BC (1.00) 4000BC. Brzesc Kujavski Lod-165 : 5370±180BP = 68.2% confidence 4450BC (0.02) 4430BC, 4370BC (0.98) 3990BC; 95.4% confidence 4700BC (1.00) 3750BC. Brzesc Kujavski Lod-163 : 5130±160BP = 68.2% confidence 4250BC (1.00) 3700BC; 95.4% confidence 4350BC (1.00) 3600BC. SUM = 68.2% confidence 4300BC (1.00) 3750BC; 95.4% confidence 4500BC (1.00) 3650BC.

[11] Not all archaeologists accept Schwabedissen's C14 based time span (cf. Menke 1989:65-66, Laux 1986).

[12] Finger- and fingernail impressions are known.

[13] Behrens and Rüster (1981) lists three calibrated C14 dates form Zwenkau-Harth, Kr. Leipzig as 4950, 4850, and 4700 B.C. (µ: 4833).

[14] However, there may have been relatively little geographic overlap between the two cultures in the east.

[15] However, pottery from Löddesborg, western Skåne has stick impressed designs on the body (e.g. Tilley 1996:44-45, Fig. 1.23)

[16] Others emphasize evidence that may indicate discontinuity (cf. P. O. Nielsen 1993a:84, Tilley 1996:70-73, both with references).

[17] Lüning 1968:5-6. The Kitchen Midden culture, named after the food remains of huge stratified shell mounds, is now called Ertebølle after its Danish type site and Ellerbek after its German type site.

[18] Scollar (personal communication, 1981) feels that the Michelsberg culture ceramics and its wide spread affiliations, both east and west are still not fully understood. Yet Behrens argues that there is no Michelsberg culture in Central Germany.

[19] The Dutch Hazendonk 3 pottery (2985±40 b.c.) of the Rhein-Maas delta clearly shows Michelsberg and Chas­séen influence (Hogestijn 1990:175 with additional references).

[20] Rosenhof, Gem. Grube near Dahme, Kr. Ostholstein on a former Baltic bay, the Dahmer Bucht.

[21] Schwabedissen 1979c Fig. 2,5. Note that cereal pollen and spiklet forks of naked barley of the pottery bearing Swifterbant cultures Dronten phase (4350?-3250 b.c?) may indicate cereal cultivation (Hogestijn 1990:169).